The Community Relations Service
(CRS), an arm of the U.S. Department of Justice, is a specialized Federal
conciliation service available to State and local officials to help resolve
and prevent racial and ethnic conflict, violence and civil disorders. When presidents, governors,
mayors, police chiefs, and school superintendents need help to defuse racial
crises, they turn to CRS. CRS helps local officials and residents tailor locally
defined resolutions when conflict and violence threaten community stability
and well-being. CRS conciliators assist in identifying the sources of violence
and conflict and utilizing specialized crisis management and violence reduction
techniques which work best for each community. CRS has no law enforcement authority
and does not impose solutions, investigate or prosecute cases, or assign blame
or fault. CRS conciliators are required by law to conduct their activities in
confidence, without publicity, and are prohibited from disclosing confidential
information.
DURING GEORGE W BUSH AS LISTED AS BOTH GOVERNOR AND PRESIDENT
In 1997, CRS was involved in 135 hate crime cases that caused or
intensified community racial and ethnic tensions. As authorized by the
Civil Rights Act of 1964, CRS became involved only in those cases in
which the criminal offender was motivated by the victim's race, color, or
national origin. Of all hate crime incidents reported to the U.S.
Department of Justice's Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) in 1996,
72 percent were motivated by the victim's race, color, or national origin.
Much like Law School is within the Pleasure of Presidential Elector on Judge Selection but Party decision of current President of the United States Chair is involved more so in location of a Chief of Native Americans instead of the Chair use of The Presidential Elector as show in upcoming Tea Party in just how does a Native Americans Drive as shown Public by George W Bush while held in Writ of Mandamus by In Re: President of The United States Guy Perea USCA 5th Cir is opinion of Judge And Law as Schooled by The President of The United States Guy Perea over the Chair of Barack Obama;
Bakke, supra, at 315 (opinion of Powell, J.). Instead, it may consider race or ethnicity only as a " 'plus' in a particular applicant's file"; i.e., it must be "flexible enough to consider all pertinent elements of diversity in light of the particular qualifications of each applicant, and to place them on the same footing for consideration, although not necessarily according them the same weight," id., at 317. It follows that universities cannot establish quotas for members of certain racial or ethnic groups or put them on separate admissions tracks. See id., at 315-316. The Law School's admissions program, like the Harvard plan approved by Justice Powell, satisfies these requirements. Moreover, the program is flexible enough to ensure that each applicant is evaluated as an individual and not in a way that makes race or ethnicity the defining feature of the application. See Bakke, supra, at 317 (opinion of Powell, J.). The Law School engages in a highly individualized, holistic review of each applicant's file, giving serious consideration to all the ways an applicant might contribute to a diverse educational environment. There is no policy, either de jure or de facto, of automatic acceptance or rejection based on any single "soft" variable. Gratz v. Bollinger, ante, p. ___, distinguished. Also, the program adequately ensures that all factors that may contribute to diversity are meaningfully considered alongside race. Moreover, the Law School frequently accepts nonminority applicants with grades and test scores lower than underrepresented minority applicants (and other nonminority applicants) who are rejected. The Court rejects the argument that the Law School should have used other race-neutral means to obtain the educational benefits of student body diversity,e.g., a lottery system or decreasing the emphasis on GPA and LSAT scores. Narrow tailoring does not require exhaustion of every conceivable race-neutral alternative or mandate that a university choose between maintaining a reputation for excellence or fulfilling a commitment to provide educational opportunities to members of all racial groups. See, e.g., Wygant v. Jackson Bd. of Ed., 476 U. S. 267, 280, n. 6. The Court is satisfied that the Law School adequately considered the available alternatives. The Court is also satisfied that, in the context of individualized consideration of the possible diversity contributions of each applicant, the Law School's race-conscious admissions program does not unduly harm nonminority applicants. Finally, race-conscious admissions policies must be limited in time. The Court takes the Law School at its word that it would like nothing better than to find a race-neutral admissions formula and will terminate its use of racial preferences.
Hate Crime
Indian Racial Profiling
Indigenous people ( Native Americans) call it “DWI,” with a new twist: “Driving While Indian.” According to the National American Indian Housing Council, there are 2.4 million Indians (including Eskimos and Aleuts) in the U.S. Indians complain about stops and searches by local police and sheriffs on roads leading to and from reservations.
In South Dakota, widespread reports of racial profiling led to hearings before the state legislature, where Indians testified about their being stopped and searched not only based on race but also on religious articles hanging from rearview mirrors, and regional license plates that identified them as living on reservations.
In June 2002 scores of Indians in the state's Bennett County complained to Department of Justice attorneys, alleging racial profiling at the hands of sheriffs there, including vehicular stops in the absence of reasonable suspicion, the administration of breathalyzer tests without reasonable suspicion, warrantless searches of homes and vehicles, and demanding to see drivers licenses and vehicle registrations while inside bars.
PROOF OF CHAIR HELD CURRENTLY BY BARACK OBAMA CRIMES OF HATE AGAINST PRESIDENTIAL ELECTOR PEREA
Hate crime is the violence of intolerance and bigotry, intended to hurt
and intimidate someone because of their race, ethnicity, national origin,
religious, sexual orientation, or disability. The purveyors of hate use
explosives, arson In document of Presidential Elector Guy Perea in Response of ethnicity of Perea fail Racial Neutral except by, weapons, vandalism, physical violence, and verbal
threats of violence to instill fear in their victims, leaving them vulnerable
to more attacks and feeling alienated, helpless, suspicious and fearful.
Others may become frustrated and angry if they believe the local
government and other groups in the community will not protect them.
When perpetrators of hate are not prosecuted as criminals and their acts
not publicly condemned, their crimes can weaken even those
communities with the healthiest race relations.
Of all crimes, hate crimes are most likely to create or exacerbate
tensions, which can trigger larger community-wide racial conflict, civil
disturbances, and even riots. Hate crimes put cities and towns at-risk of
serious social and economic consequences. The immediate costs of racial
conflicts and civil disturbances are police, fire, and medical personnel
overtime, injury or death, business and residential property loss, and
damage to vehicles and equipment. Long-term recovery is hindered by a
decline in property values, which results in lower tax revenues, scarcity
of funds for rebuilding, and increased insurance rates. Businesses and
residents abandon these neighborhoods, leaving empty buildings to
attract crime, and the quality of schools decline due to the loss of tax
revenue. A municipality may have no choice but to cut services or raise
taxes or leave the area in its post-riot condition until market forces of
supply and demand rebuild the area.
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